Forum Topic

What I wrote: “It was well noted during the Brexit referendum that Russia, under Putin, was happy to support and promote the idea that the UK left the UK. The Putin logic was simple - anything that weakened or divided the EU was beneficial to Russia. It was also well noted that Putin's Russia remains a threat to free countries along Europe's eastern border.”That is not opinion. Russia actively tried to influence voter views in the lead up to the referendum. That is well documented. (For what it’s worth I am certain no one who voted for Brexit would recognise such influence, after all it was not tagged as ‘Russia says’. It was a more pernicious, background influence and doubtless mirrored the Cambridge Analytics type influence. Was either significant or effective – who knows? Did both take place? Yes.)Does Putin’s Russia wish to re-establish old Soviet era (and in some cases old imperialist) spheres of control and influence in its neighbouring countries? Yes. If you think that claim is simply my opinion then I’d take a look at the news.If you cannot recall the writing and speeches made at the time of the referendum then go do research. References to the risk of Brexit for the EU in terms of Russia and the EU eastern border countries was made many times. I'm not going to do your research for you.I then wrote:“Both concepts were ignored or even ridiculed by Brexit fans.” That is true, not one Brexit supporter acknowledged this risk. So not opinion.“In that, as in most of their judgements, the Brexit fan has been shown to be very wrong.”I accept that this part is my opinion. Fair cop. But based on (1) ignoring this risk has been shown to be wrong, and (2) lots of other pro-Brexit judgement calls have also shown to be wrong. So a justified opinion.So this looks a lot like my post was 80% fact and 20% fact based opinion. Whereas your post, as you clearly state, is only your opinion.

Alan Clark ● 1646d

Three years ago I touched on the question of Russia's efforts to weaken the UK and the EU through Brexit. It succeeded- although we have seen the invasion of Ukraine galvanising EU unity is its support for Ukraine- and in particular displaced Ukrainians (where the UK's response has been abysmal.I just reread that post. It was long, and some will no doubt find it tedious.  But I have reposted it below for those who want to make their own virw how well it has stood the test of time."Andy Riley’s post raises some valid questions about the EU and Brexit – so let’s treat them with the respect they deserve and give a considered, objective, response – point by point.  Not least, because it repeats some of the Brexit myths that have misled people (deliberately or otherwise).The UK did not join the EC in 1972.  It was 1973 (but not a material point, either way).The 1975 referendum was not a ratification referendum (the UK had already joined the EU). The question was “Do you think that the United Kingdom should stay in the European Community (the Common Market)?”.  So it was whether the UK should stay (not ratifying the decision to join). But this is semantics, and again not a material point.The “declaration” to "progress towards an ever closer union" was not made for the first time in 1982 (the Treaty of Lisbon).  It was in the preamble of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, the original founding treaty of the EEC (as was then). In fact the opening words of the Treaty of Rome were “DETERMINED to lay the foundations of an ever-closer union among the peoples of Europe”.  So this is not (as sometimes presented) something new introduced only after we joined in 1972. It is what we signed up to in 1973, and what we reaffirmed in the referendum in 1975.  And it is an aspiration about the “peoples of European”, not about creating a European super state.“If we consider the trajectory of the organisation…”  This is the new approach employed by Brexiteers, not arguing about what the EU is (on the basis that most of the arguments presented against the EU have been debunked), but about what it might become in the future.  A disingenuous argument, based on inaccurate presentations of what is possible under EU law (see the next point).“we see continuous progression towards….”The Euro.  A myth.  The UK cannot be required to join the Euro (despite what Esther McVey have tweeted today – which is just untrue).  The UK (and Denmark) have a legal “opt out” under the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 (Sweden does not have an opt out, but has still not joined). This is now set out in Protocol 15 of Consolidated Version of the Treaty On European Union which starts with the words “RECOGNISING that the United Kingdom shall not be obliged or committed to adopt the euro without a separate decision to do so by its government and parliament,”, and goes on to say at Article 1 to Protocol  15 to the “Unless the United Kingdom notifies the Council that it intends to adopt the euro, it shall be under no obligation to do so.”Fiscal harmonisation. A myth, depending on what do you mean by this. If you mean that the UK is required to adopt the same fiscal policies as the rest of the EU, you are wrong. Article 3 of the same Protocol says: “The United Kingdom shall retain its powers in the field of monetary policy according to national law.”But if you are referring to the European Parliament’s 2015 resolution (supported by the United Kingdom government) on “bringing transparency, coordination and convergence to corporate tax policies”, to combat aggressive tax avoidance you are correct about “fiscal harmonisation”. Personally, I think this is a good thing, as international tax avoidance cannot be addressed by countries acting alone, so coordinated international policies are necessary. You may disagree.The EU army. A myth.  Under EU law, any “operations having military or defence implications” can only be funded with the unanimous consent of all Council members (i.e. of every government). So the UK (like every other country) has an absolute veto.  Article 42 allows the EU to engage in “peace-keeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter”. However, it is only permitted to do so where “The performance of these tasks shall be undertaken using capabilities provided by the Member States.”  Whereas some decisions of the EU Council of Ministers can be taken by majority decisions, this expressly excludes any matters with “military implications or those in the area of defence”, which can only be taken unanimously.The Border management myth.  Otherwise expressed as “taking back control of our own borders”.  This is one of the biggest Brexit lies of all.  The UK has full control over its borders (when did you last cross a UK border (except into Ireland) without showing your passport?).  The UK has a opt out from Schengen (common borders) under the Treaty of Amsterdam of 1997.  Our borders are not subject to EU law.  (But, one of the “four freedoms” under EU law is the freedom of movement, of work, and establishment – but not to stay without a job after three months).“So firstly one has to decide whether this is desirable or not and if not, how can the UK best stay out of these elements of unification.”  The best way to say out of these elements is by staying out. The UK’s right to do so is entrenched in the EU Treaties and so a matter of international law. You can put your concerns there to rest.  We have a copper plated, entrenched, legally binding right to stay out of these “elements of unification” that cannot be taken away from us. If this is your reason for supporting Brexit, then please reconsider.Mr Riley also expresses the view that “the nation state is the best guarantor of a peoples liberties”.  Respectfully, I disagree (Spain - dictatorship until 1975, Portugal – until 1974, all the EU members that were previously members of the Soviet block until the 1990s).  The common values of democracy and liberty embedded into EU law (and a requirement for membership – just one reason why Turkey has not been admitted – despite Gove’s out and out lie on the day before the referendum that an agreement had been reached to admit Turkey which was being kept secret until the day after the vote) are very important, especially in countries that do not have such a long tradition of democracy as the UK.  (And as a side note – the argument that we do not need the European Convention of Human Rights (separate, but often confused with the EU) because “we have British human rights” is particularly annoying. Maybe we don’t (but out track record here is not overwhelmingly positive). But many countries do not.  The UK’s membership of a club with those common values reinforces those rights in other countries with a weaker tradition of human rights.“Most remainers I've spoken to seem shy of expressing these, preferring to concentrate on the economic.”  Not me.  I (a self-confessed, rabid remainer) am more than happy to argue the case for the EU based on sovereignty, human rights, consumer, worker and environmental protection, animal rights, social integration and values, security, law and order, free movement, cultural, freedom of speech, etc. Perhaps the reason that some remainers don’t major on those arguments is that ultimately, they are a matter of opinion – e.g. would you rather exercise nationally sovereignty independently, or would you rather leverage UK power within the largest trading block in the world? (etc.).  And these issues are important, but at the end of the day probably not potentially devasting to the UK (although that’s also up for debate if Russia succeeds in weakening the EU through its interference in the Referendum and Brexit).  But the economic argument is overwhelming and irrefutable.  The UK will be substantially poorer (not just “in the short term” as the Brexiteers are now saying (or worse “there will be some short term chaos”).  We will be a lot poorer in the long term.  A “no deal” Brexit will be economically devastating to the UK – no serious economist questions that. And the decline is likely to be progressive and long term. Less money for the NHS, for education, for infrastructure, for pensions, for law and order, for defence, etc. etc.  All the important things.“Trade agreements should not in principle affect sovereignty as such”.  Then you don’t understand trade deals.  A trade deal is binding under international law (even “WTO rules – in which the UK has only very minimal input if you want to talk about sovereignty), and are enforceable against the UK.  Every international treaty requires a state to comprise its sovereignty to some extent (depending on what you mean by sovereignty).  Furthermore, it is cloud cuckoo land to suppose that we will get better trade deals with the rest of the World than we benefit from within the EU (which will terminate overnight when we leave). Trade deals take years, or decades to negotiate (and our current government of second rate incompetents has no chance), and are predatory by nature.  What do you think Trump will demand in return for any kind of trade deal?“I suspect membership of the EU is marginal in affecting skills, productivity etc.”  You could not be more wrong.  People talk about EU workers in agriculture, in coffee shops, Polish builders, etc.  But if you walk around the Canary Warf or “Silicon Roundabout” you will see that a large number of highly skilled and educated workers, adding value to the UK economy, are from elsewhere in the EU.  Of course, we could open up our doors to highly skilled and educated workers from elsewhere in the World (the so called “level playing field” argument).  But do you really think this is going to happen?  The UK work permit rules are Kafkaesque, designed to make it as hard as possible to come to the UK, and send a strong message to the rest of the World “we don’t want you”.  Even the much maligned stereotype of the “Polish builder” is adding value to the UK housing stock and infrastructure through his labour.Whether or not (as you ask) HS2 is a good investment will be irrelevant, and no longer our decision to make, for the simple reason that we will not be able to afford it.“Is the drive to massively increase the number degrees for young people sensible?” Good question, but nothing to do with the EU.“Does the banking system serve businesses well?” In my personal view – no.  But it serves the UK far better as a consequence of EU Directives (for example the Payment Services Directives, promoting “open banking”) then it would on a stand alone basis.The EU and New Zealand are currently negotiating a free trade deal.  Trade between New Zealand and the EU is about €9 billion – only about 10% of New Zealand’s trade.  The EU represents more than 40% of the UK’s trade in goods and services.  The EU is only New Zealand’s third biggest trading partner.  It is the UK’s biggest (by far). New Zealand’s population is less than 5 million – ours is about 15 times the size.  I am not sure that your reference point of wine (where you are paying less than 10p tariff on a bottle – but what that does mean is that, the producer has to charge at least 10p a bottle (out of perhaps 50p or £1) to be competitive) is at all relevant to the UK’s sophisticated services and manufacturing industries.  People sometimes think of trade in goods, but 80% of the UK’s economy is made of services (where tariff and non-tariff barriers are far more problematic, and harder to negotiate away).And we have not “surrendered” our sovereignty to the EU.  The UK remains a fully sovereign nation (hence our ability to leave the EU if we so chose, with or without the EU’s agreement).  We have however agreed by international treaty to exercise our sovereignty collectively, to leverage the collective power of our closest economic and political allies within the largest trading block in the World.Please think again.  The questions you have raised are valid, but all go to show why Brexit is such a bad idea, and founded on myths.  To put it bluntly, you have been lied to.

T P Howell ● 1645d

It’s an interesting thought to go out to canvas the thinking of the 40% or less of the voting population. Luckily we do not need to.The issue is recognising and understanding the risk of weakening the EU in the context of Putin’s Russia. There was a logic path. Step one for the potential Brexit supporter – do I see this as an issue? The options here are yes or no. Let’s look at each of these:1. No, I do not see this as an issue. This is either utter ignorance of the issue (an ill informed voter) or an assessment that this is a minor issue and not of consequence. This view is clearly wrong as is now witnessed. It is a bad assessment based on “it might be a risk for eastern Europe countries but not for the UK”. That is an inward looking view and weighs the notional benefits of Brexit as greater & better than the real risks to other European counties. And also the risk of the security of the world. Step 2 for this group is continue to support Brexit and ignore this issue. Overall, a local, narrow view that leads to a poor outcome – all made by this group of ‘no’ risk from Russia Brexit voters.or 2. Yes, I can see this potential issue and I can understand the risk it may present. Step 2 for ‘yes’ is either acknowledge this risk and decide it is significant (more significant than the notional benefits of Brexit) or reject it as a major risk. Those who decide it is significant and saw the notional benefits of Brexit as less than the risk would not vote for Brexit (I suspect there were very few people in this group). Those who saw this risk but rejected it as not being a major or real risk would vote for Brexit. And got their assessment wrong.So, all Brexit voters fell into camps of ignorance or it’s a minor issue or it’s a big risk but the notional benefits of Brexit are greater. That is, refused to acknowledge the risk or decided that weak concepts such as UK sovereignty are more important than the lives, homes and security of millions of people in the east of Europe. I think that sums it up.

Alan Clark ● 1645d

Here's some interesting (to me at least) background.As to where was the democracy, well the following is an extract from the 1970 Conservative Manifesto:A Stronger Britain in The WorldIf we can negotiate the right terms, we believe that it would be in the long-term interest of the British people for Britain to join the European Economic Community, and that it would make a major contribution to both the prosperity and the security of our country. The opportunities are immense. Economic growth and a higher standard of living would result from having a larger market.But we must also recognise the obstacles. There would be short-term disadvantages in Britain going into the European Economic Community which must be weighed against the long-term benefits. Obviously there is a price we would not be prepared to pay. Only when we negotiate will it be possible to determine whether the balance is a fair one, and in the interests of Britain.Our sole commitment is to negotiate; no more, no less. As the negotiations proceed we will report regularly through Parliament to the country.A Conservative Government would not be prepared to recommend to Parliament, nor would Members of Parliament approve, a settlement which was unequal or unfair. In making this judgement, Ministers and Members will listen to the views of their constituents and have in mind, as is natural and legitimate, primarily the effect of entry upon the standard of living of the individual citizens whom they represent.So I would assume that we joined the EEC (and hence its successor the EU) because the country democratically elected a Conservative government in 1970 which has joining the EEC as one of its stated objectives.And there was yet more democracy in 1975, when the country expressed a majority wish to stay in the EEC.Hope that answers your question Janet.

Andrew Jones ● 1645d

Any (and every) free trade deal must be rule based.  Any rule based agreement must have an adjudication system (whether a court of justice, such as the European Court of Justice, or by international arbitration, or in the case of WTO the Appellate Body).That is the very essence of all free trade deals.Free trade deals also depend on "level playing field" guarantees.  Otherwise one country (e.g. the UK) could slash employment rights, so that suppliers from the UK into the EU would have lower payroll costs, and so a competitive advantage when exporting into the EU.  This, ultimately, would be likely either to lead to a "race to the bottom" or create unemployment in the EU.  This is just one example - there are many (such as environmental standards, capitalisation requirements for banks and insurance companies, control over state subsidies, etc.) where "level playing field" rules are required.This may be what you refer to as "baggage".  The more comprehensive the free trade deal, of necessity the more extensive the "baggage". Despite what Johnson said before (and after) the Referendum - you cannot have your cake and eat it.  Rules, and an adjudication process lie at the heart of every free trade deal.A belief that any other structure is possible is naive, and demonstrates a lack of understanding how trade deals work.The EU is a rule driven free trade area.  Some countries (e.g. Norway, and other none EU EEA states) agree to abide by the EU's rules, even although they are not members (and so have no say in those rules) so that they can gain access to the market (of, collectively the richest 500 million people on Earth).It is, sooner or later, inevitable that the UK will have to enter into a free trade deal with the EU (in particular for services - where currently we have a "no deal" Brexit), because the EU is (still) by far our biggest market by a very long way (and will remain so, due to the principle of "economic gravity" - i.e. proximity, and the fact that the EU countries are at the same stage of ecominic development as the UK, and so have needs for similar products and services as the UK produces).  It will be a condition of any free trade deal that the UK maintains EU rules (or equivalence) as a condition of that access.This is where Brexit has got you.  We will (as in fact we still are) subject to EU rules and regulations, but without any say (or veto rights) on what those rules and regulations are.  The worst of all worlds.Where is the sovereignty in that?Free trade deals also depend on "level playing field" guarantees.  Otherwise one country (e.g. the UK) could slash employment rights, so that suppliers from the UK into the EU would have lower payroll costs, and so a competitive advantage when exporting into the EU.  This, ultimately, would be likely either to lead to a "race to the bottom" or create unemployment in the EU.  This is just one example - there are many (such as enviromental standards, capitalisation requirements for banks and insurance companies, control over state subsidies) where "level playing field" rules are required.This may be what you refer to as "baggage".Despite what Johnson said before (and after) the Referendum - you cannot have your cake and eat it.  Rules, and an adjudication process lie at the heart of every free trade deal.The EU is a rule driven free trade area.  Some countries (e.g. Norway) agree to abide by the rules, even although they are not members (and so have no say in those rules) so that they can gain access to the market (of, collectively the richest 500 million people on Earth).It is, sooner or later, inevitable, that the UK will have to enter into a free trade deal with the EU, because the EU is (still) our biggest market.  It will be a condition of any free trade deal that the UK maintains EU rules (or equivalance) as a condition of access.This is where Brexit has got you.

T P Howell ● 1639d

The issue is, Brexit supporters can be divided into three categories:1. Those who supported and always will supported Brexit regardless of the evidence (or in some cases despite the evidence (the recidivists).2. Those who were deceived by the lies and misinformation, but who ultimately make their decisions on the basis of available information (the misled).3. And those whose vote in favour of Brexit was a protest against a decade of austerity, and the so called Metropolitan Elite (the left behind).And then of course there are the dead - particularly taking into account the demography of the Brexit vote. But it is obvious pointless (and impossible) to change their views). In any event, the demographic changes over the last 5 years would be more that enough alone to reverse the Brexit vote (if age related voting patterns were repeated).The Brexit vote was won by about 400 - 500,000 votes, which, if they had gone the other way would have given a different result.  And then of course there was the approximately one third of the electorate who did not vote at all.So, to be frank, I don't care about the information resistance of the recidivists.  Their minds will never chnage.  And I would like to believe that they are a very small minority.So the important people are the misled and the left behind.  I waste my time posting here in the hope that it is they who will take the trouble to read and consider my posts, and make their own minds up.What is interesting is that the recidivists never actually explain the reasons for their beliefs in Brexit.  But I suspect that this is because there are no reasons (apart from in some cases some deeply unpleasant ones). But for them, having no reason for a point of view does not merit the effort of questioning their reaons or trying to understand other peoples' points of view  So there you have it.  The more they insult, the more they confirm that their position is without explicable reasons.

T P Howell ● 1638d

Richard, don’t disappear.  I hope you now realise that I do at least partly understand your concerns about the E.U.  And you’ve mentioned them before - things like ‘ever closer union’, worries about a European army etc, and to be honest there are several aspects of the EU’s regulatory structure that I have issues with, though I suspect they are different from yours.  But I think that on more than one occasion it has been pointed out to you that our veto etc means that your concerns about ever closer union etc are unwarranted and certainly not serious enough to justify upending the whole project.    And as senior members we were in a powerful position to influence the direction of the EU.  Now of course we can’t.  But despite this it seems to me that the Brexiter stance involved a surprising sense of victimhood, to which the only solution was to get out while we still could.  But coupled with this victimhood was the contrary idea that we are better and stronger and don’t need the help of the E.U.      But I want to go back to my question to you.  Where do you think these better deals are going to come from and don’t you realise that ANY deal is going to come with conditions attached?  I get the distinct impression that these questions haven’t been thoroughly considered, hence you get the absurd spectacle of Rees-Mogg canvassing Sun readers for ideas.  And let’s be clear, the U.K. HAS taken an economic hit from Brexit as Sunak and the OBR have made clear, so even if you would like it all to be about ‘higher’ things like sovereignty, democracy and independence, down on the ground people are hurting.

Alastair Banton ● 1638d