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I think those saying that this will be the end of Brexit are well wide of the mark. As are those saying that this will compel Johnson into a deal with the EU. The only two things that command bipartisan support in a polarised Washington nowadays are antipathy to China and support for Ireland. Had Trump been elected this would have still been the case, and Congress would have blocked any FTA if the UK Govt had breached the GFA, so to all practical intents and purposes little has changed there. Funnily enough although I don't see an FTA agreement with the UK as anything like a priority for the Biden administration, if one is reached under his auspices I would expect it to be far more equitable than one negotiated under Trump who is infinitely more transactional, and tends to view deals on an "I win, you lose" basis. Biden is an arch pragmatist, relations with the UK are likely to be perfectly cordial, rather than effusive, more Clinton/Major than Reagan/Thatcher or Blair/Bush, On a personal level I find this significantly preferable to the pathetically needy bleating about the "special relationship." Trump's absence might force the more extreme right wing headbangers in the tory party to wind their necks in a bit now that they realise their main Brexit prize, an FTA with the US will now very much go on the back burner. This might allow Johnson enough wiggle room to reach an agreement with the EU, now that there's an old fashioned internationalist in the White House, but I don't expect it to be the game changer that some of the more excitable media commentators seem to be hoping for.

Huw Burford-Taylor ● 2181d

Conservative Party Manifesto, 1970 -"If we can negotiate the right terms, we believe that it would be in the long-term interest of the British people for Britain to join the European Economic Community, and that it would make a major contribution to both the prosperity and the security of our country. The opportunities are immense. Economic growth and a higher standard of living would result from having a larger market.But we must also recognise the obstacles. There would be short-term disadvantages in Britain going into the European Economic Community which must be weighed against the long-term benefits. Obviously there is a price we would not be prepared to pay. Only when we negotiate will it be possible to determine whether the balance is a fair one, and in the interests of Britain.Our sole commitment is to negotiate; no more, no less. As the negotiations proceed we will report regularly through Parliament to the country."Nothing there about the political aspects of the EEC and ever-closer union, nor about joining it without any opportunity for the electorate to express its opinion on the terms of the deal. Labour Party manifesto February 1974 - "The Common Market now threatens us with still higher food prices and with a further loss of Britain's control of its own affairs. We shall restore to the British people the right to decide the final issue of British membership of the Common Market.The British people were never consulted about the Market.Britain is a European nation, and a Labour Britain would always seek a wider co-operation between the European peoples. But a profound political mistake made by the Heath Government was to accept the terms of entry to the Common Market, and to take us in without the consent of the British people. This has involved the imposition of food taxes on top of rising world prices, crippling fresh burdens on our balance of payments, and a draconian curtailment of the power of the British Parliament to settle questions affecting vital British interests. This is why a Labour Government will immediately seek a fundamental re negotiation of the terms of entry.We have spelled out in Labour's Programme for Britain our objectives in the new negotiations which must take place:The Labour Party opposes British membership of the European Communities on the terms negotiated by the Conservative Government."Not that their renegotiation made much difference to those terms. Labour Party Manifesto October 1974 - "Our genuine concern for democratic rights is in sharp contrast to the Tory attitude. In the greatest single peacetime decision of this century - Britain's membership of the Common Market - the British people were not given a chance to say whether or not they agreed to the terms accepted by the Tory Government. Both the Conservatives and the Liberals have refused to endorse the rights of our people to make their own decision. Only the Labour Party is committed to the right of the men and women of this country to make this unique decision."A significant lack of explanation of what signing up to the Treaty of Rome and its aim of ever-closer union meant by either governing party before the UK joined and before the post-event referendum.

Richard Greenhough ● 2181d

It is worth bearing in mind the following: It's very easy to threaten a legal case, it is an awful lot harder to win one, as Trump is discovering. He has used court action previously to bully people without his resources, the US constitution isn't particularly susceptible to bullying. For a legal case to be won there needs to be substantial evidence and a compelling legal argument. One does not win a case on disappointment, or by going to the courts out of a fit of anti-democratic pique, as you seem to be positing. The Gina Miller case was based on the supremacy of parliament over the executive, had there not been a case to answer she would have lost it.So far Trump has brought 10 court actions in various states, all have been thrown out. Given the numbers involved it doesn't seem any legal challenge he may bring will stand any chance of success. It's worth considering that the right-wing Heritage Foundation, after examining 36 years of mail-in ballots, found only 1,285 cases of voter fraud out of nearly two billion votes cast — a rate of 0.0000007 percent. That’s about the same probability as being hit by an asteroid.Other numbers to reflect on are the following: The *largest* recount swing in US history was 1,247 votes in Florida in 2000. Biden’s *smallest* margin right now is 10,000+ votes in Georgia — a state he doesn’t need for an electoral college majority. His smallest margin in a must-win state is over 20,000 votes in Wisconsin.The two situations are not remotely similar.

Huw Burford-Taylor ● 2179d